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La Donna D'altri

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#ottomarzo19 – Nonna Picia, 107 anni di femminilità: orgoglio di una donna d’altri tempi

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As a matter of fact, transmission does not involve only material wealth. One can transmit also a status, a social or symbolic capital, a network of relatives, friends or interpersonal relationships, clients or partners, and even a reputation, a title, a family name. The importance of this diversity of kinship systems should be stressed even further if we consider that, in matters of inheritance or dowries, Jews could be subjected to rules in force in the cities in which they lived, or to Roman law.

These implications did not only regard the ideas they had of family and incest, but also of inheritance. This was broader than in Christian society but, at the same time, much more confined, in that the choice was often made within the family unit and the marriage market was sometimes very limited, particularly in small communities. In fact, it is likely that the specific Jewish matrimonial system that allowed marriages between close relatives was one of the keys to local Jewish continuity, especially in very confined settlements with few families.

To give another example, the simple fact that a Jewish man could marry his niece or cousin meant that his own brother or sister, or his uncle and aunt, could become his parents-in-law. This could direct the inheritance towards certain lines of descent and could also determine this orientation based on affective or hierarchical criteria within families.

Here we must also take into account the fact that Jewish populations lived in a context of juridical and institutional pluralism, which they knew how to turn to their own advantage. This either interfered with or overlapped rules deriving from Roman law, but also with rules within the same Jewish world. In marriages between close agnatic relatives, the dowry reinforced the group of unilineal descent, concentrating agnatic wealth through the women.

e-book La donna daltri (Italian Edition)

Not only did this allow families to extend the lifetime of their businesses, whose capital was intertwined bilaterally, but it also allowed them and especially the more affluent families of the ghetto to avoid portioning out their houses, thereby keeping them undivided within the same kin group. Moreover, female wealth needs to be measured on the basis of other documents, that illustrate the actual moment when wealth was redistributed: wills, inter vivos donations, division of assets or post mortem inventories.

Here, too, women and dotal assets are especially present, since dowries were significant debts for the husband or his family, and therefore these were often settled first. But in these documents, agnates also seem much more visible. This was already perceivable in Biblical transmission rules, which favoured male and agnatic primogeniture, to then be re-equilibrated by the Talmudic tradition, giving women the chance to inherit through the dowry.


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To a certain extent the ghetto was the keystone, or the formal, juridical, symbolic, spatial and also religious 15 expression, of the redefinition of economic relationships between the Jews and the rest of society. Segregation had a very strong impact on economic capability, material culture and, consequently, on the transfer of wealth within the Jewish communities. Re-elaborated version of the map published in: M. If we take, for example, the Papal States, we can observe substantial differences between Rome and Ancona.

The Jews of Ancona could rely on the port a free port as of , which allowed them to participate in long-distance trade. A serial analysis of notarial documentation of the period spanning to shows how large companies, which were rather common in Rome before , eventually disappeared. These amounts also matched those conveyed by rich Roman merchants or the aristocracy in Pesaro or other cities in the Marche.

When we look at matrimonial relationships compared to other Jewish communities of the time, the one in Rome seems exceptionally endogamic: This demonstrates a sort of inability on their part to form marriage bonds outside the city; exogamic bonds, even at long distances, were more frequent in the previous century. In Pesaro and Senigallia, but even in a smaller context like Urbino, endogamic marriages were respectively, At any rate, this variable economic situation that was faced internally by the population of the ghetto, should be considered against the backdrop of the surrounding context on which the ghetto obviously depended.

The demographic reasons are clear: the population of the communities increased mechanically when the boundaries were first established. Closure into ghettos went hand in hand with spatial reduction and a concentration of the Jewish population in certain cities. With the establishment of ghettos they were forced to leave the villages and small urban centres where they had sometimes lived for centuries in order to reside exclusively in cities equipped with a walled quarter.

Moreover, social stratification was particularly affected by increasing pauperism, though this varied depending on the community.

It should be noted that capitoli were systematically published in most ghettos starting from the end of the s. They were grouped into small notebooks and validated by the authorities, whether central or local, and laid the groundwork for a more structured organization of the Universitates hebreorum the formal Jewish Communities. Some encompass very wide-ranging themes essential to the daily life of the ghetto. The Jews were certainly aware of the importance of dowries in the intricate system of Jewish inheritance, so it is not surprising that entire paragraphs of community regulations were dedicated to this topic.


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Even the families that wanted to leave the ghetto to settle in another one faced a system of taxation that favoured the integration of external wealth and tended to limit the exit of internal wealth. The capitoli always kept track of the various matrimonial configurations possible unions between Jews from the same ghetto or between locals and outsiders in evaluating taxation on dowries. The amount of the tax varied depending on the nature of the assets cash, trousseau and furniture, gold and silver , and on the origin of the spouse.